Odrysian kingdom

History

Background

Since the ancient Thracians lacked an indigenous writing tradition, the most important sources for the reconstruction of their history are archaeological remains, coins as well as accounts of ancient Greek historians. Said historians considered the Thracians to be a numerous people and their country, Thrace, to be of barely comprehensible size, so large that Andron of Halicarnassus (4th century BC) thought of it as a continent of its own. While the boundaries of Thrace fluctuated throughout history, Thrace can be divided in a northern and a southern half, which were also culturally different. The border between the two halves has been identified as the Haemus Mountains or the Danube slightly further north. Southern Thrace covered the fertile valley between the Haemus and the Rhodopes, the Strandzha and the shores of the Propontis and the Aegean and Black Seas. The western boundary was marked by the Strymon and the upper Morava. Northern Thrace was defined by the Danube, the Carpathians and the adjacent western tip of the Pontic–Caspian steppe, thus enclosing parts of the territory now comprising modern Romania, Moldova, Serbia and Ukraine. Thrace also extended into what is now northwestern Turkey both west and east (Bithynia, Mysia) of the Propontis.

Thracians had already settled in the 2nd millennium BCE, and were featured in the epics of Homer. Occasional references to them appear in the following centuries, although it was not until the 5th century when Greek literature developed an interest in discussing non-Greeks more extensively. In the 7th and 6th centuries, much of the Thracian coast was settled by Greek colonists who founded numerous towns, like Thasos, Byzantion or Odessos. The political history of the Thracian tribes of this age is virtually unknown, although it is recorded that in the late 6th century, Athenian settlers interacted with a "king of Thrace" (and possible predecessor of the Odrysian kings?) residing north of the Chersonese peninsula. The absence of imported artefacts confirms that inland Thrace north of the Rhodopes remained largely isolated from the Aegean trade until the late 6th century.

In around 513 BC, an army of the mighty Persian dynasty of the Achaemenids crossed the Bosphorus, after already having subdued the Thracians of Bithynia thirty years earlier. King Darius I's goal was a punitive expedition against the Scythians at the northern shores of the Black Sea. Most eastern Thracian tribes submitted peacefully, except of the Getae, who were defeated. More expeditions under the generals Megabazus and Mardonius as well as king Xerxes I followed, even though they only managed to secure the Aegean coast.

Foundation and early years (c. 480–431 BC)

Although the Persian presence in Thrace was short-lived, it probably stimulated trade and first state formations among the Thracians. Mintings of Thracian coins started around 500 and may be an indicator for a variety of early tribal kingdoms. It has been suggested that the Odrysian kingdom might have had its origins in this period, even though the name of the Odrysians is notably absent from the numismatic evidence. The Odrysians eventually stepped into the light of history in the aftermath of the Persian failure in Greece, when they were mentioned by Herodotus, but without any further details. The Odrysians had their core territory in the valleys of the Hebros river and its tributaries Tonzos and Arda. Like other Thracian polities, the Odrysian tribal kingdom attempted to fill the vacuum left by the Persian retreat.

The first known Odrysian king was the expansionist Teres I, who is claimed by Thucydides to have been the first Odrysian king altogether. Writing in the late 5th century BC, he wrote that Teres "was the first powerful king of the Odrysae" and that he "was the first founder of the great Odrysian empire, which he extended over a large part of Thrace, although many of the Thracian tribes are still independent." Said independent tribes consisted of Thracians living along parts of the Aegean coast and in parts of the Rhodope mountains and as well as the powerful Triballi around the Haemus.

Teres most likely came to dominate central Thrace soon after 480 BC. Building his realm on a privileged warrior aristocracy, he and his son Sitalces expanded the realm from the Danube in the north to the outskirts of Abdera at the Aegean Sea. He also expanded to eastern Thrace, although he suffered a setback at the hands of the Thynoi. In the north-east, he cemented the position of his realm by allying himself with the kingdom of Scythia under king Ariapeithes, who married Teres' daughter. In conclusion, the Odrysians were the first to supersede the Thracian tribal system and establish a large state in the eastern Balkans.

Around the middle of the 5th century, when Sitalces had not yet succeeded his father, the Odrysians intervened in a Scythian civil war, seemingly on the side of the dethroned king Scylas against Octamasadas, who was a son of Ariapeithes and Teres' sister. When the two armies met at the Danube, however, Sitalces simply agreed to hand over Scylas (who was killed on the spot) for an unnamed brother of his who resided among the Scythians. Another important event may have happened further east, in the Bosporan Kingdom, when a Thracian named Spartokos seized power in around 438. It is not unlikely that he was of Odrysian descent and that his takeover was instigated by the Odrysian royal house, although this must remain speculation.

The Odrysians and the Peloponnesian war (431–404 BC)

Teres, who is claimed to have lived 92 years, had died by the outbreak of the Peloponnesian war in 431. His successor was his son Sitalces, whose reign is mostly known thanks to the account of Thucydides. Before the war he is known to have campaigned against the Paeonians in the west, subjugating some of the tribes living along the upper reaches of the Strymon. Now, his influence extended over much of Bulgaria, Greek and Turkish Thrace and also parts of southeastern Romania: from the Strymon and Iskar rivers in the west to the Black Sea and the Propontis in the east as well as the Haemus and the mouth of the Danube (which was ruled by the tributary Getae) in the north. According to Thucydides, the Odrysian state was "very powerful, and in revenue and general prosperity exceeded all the nations of Europe which lie between the Ionian Sea and the Euxine [Black Sea]."

In the south, much of coastal Thrace had passed under the rule of Athens, making them direct neighbours of the Odrysians. The Athenians had already taken some interest in the Thracian interior before 431, but it was in said year when they concluded an alliance with Sitalces against Perdiccas II of Macedon in the west. This pact was cemented by a dynastic marriage, as Sitalces would marry the sister of the Athenian ambassador, Nymphodoros of Abdera. Sitalces' son Sadokos was sent to Athens and was granted the Athenian citizenship. Sitalces, apparently an experienced leader with political acumen, would prove his commitment to the alliance in the next year, when he arrested a Peloponnesian embassy that tried to persuade him to join the Spartan side and handed it over to Athens.

At the turn of the year 428, Sitalces raised a massive, multi-ethnic army to march against Macedon and insurgents on the Chalkidiki peninsula. His army consisted of a variety of Thracians (some, like those of the Rhodopes, were independent, but joined nonetheless), Getae and some Paeonians. While Sitalces managed to subjugate some of the Thracian tribes of the lower Strymon, his invasion of eastern Macedon and the Chalkidiki was less successful, as his opponents avoided open combat and simply hid behind their walls. The Odrysian army had not the means to storm them, plus winter was approaching and food supplies were running out. Furthermore, the Athenian force that was promised to them never arrived, perhaps because Athens feared the might of the unleashed Thracian kingdom. After failed negotiations with Perdiccas II, Sitalces retreated back home. Thus, after only 30 days the Odrysian invasion had come to an end.

First signs of decay and brief revival under Cotys I (404–360 BC)

By the turn of the 4th century the Odrysian kingdom showed its tendency towards fragmentation. Two rulers are known by 405: Amadocus I and Seuthes II. The historian Diodorus Siculus even called both of them "kings of the Thracians", although this is most likely a misunderstanding: by 405 Seuthes II still considered Amadocus I as his suzerein. Amadocus was the son of a previous king Sitalces, while Seuthes II was the son of a Thracian chieftain named Maisades. Maisades was a descendant of king Teres, making Seuthes II and Amadocus I distant relatives. There was also an autonomous Odrysian prince in the western hinterlands of Byzantium named Teres.

Initially raised at the court of Amadocus, Seuthes was sent to eastern Thrace several years before 405. By 405 he had managed to consolidate his position over a realm stretching from Apollonia Pontica over the Strandzha to parts of the northern Propontis coast. In 400 BC he hired Greek mercenaries under Xenophon to expand his dominion at the cost of Teres and other rebels, forcing them to reacknowledge the authority of Amadocus. Due to lacking funds they left his service already after two months. Seuthes II eventually rose against Amadocus, although little is known about this insurrection. In 389 the Athenian general Thrasybulus mediated between the two parties, resulting in Seuthes II, whom Xenophon called "ruler of the coast region", recognizing Amadocus' authority again.

Amadocus, who had defied Seuthes' insurrection probably due to his own popularity, died soon after 389. His successor was Hebryzelmis, about whom very little is known, but who, like Amadocus, sought the good will of Athens. Seuthes II on the other hand allied with Sparta. An Athenian inscription from the year 386/5 confirms that Hebryzelmis sent a delegation to Athens to legitimize his rule and/or gain an ally against Seuthes. However, the Athenians had little interest in another war in the region and thus limited themselves to kind words. Meanwhile, Seuthes had risen yet again against the crown. This second war went badly, as he seemingly lost all of his domains before reconquering them thanks to a mercenary army led by Iphicrates. Iphicrates subsequently married the daughter of Seuthes' son, Cotys I.

Cotys I succeeded Seuthes II in 383. The historian Michael Zahrnt described Cotys as "the right man to strengthen the run-down Odrysian realm, vigorous, and an artful diplomat [...]." Indeed, it was under him that the kingdom reached its greatest might and became a considerable political factor in the nascent Hellenistic world. He was also the only Odrysian king whose character was excessively discussed by ancient scholars, although primarily in a rather unfavourable way. While virtually nothing is known about the early years of his rule it is clear that he, together with his son-in-law Iphicrates, managed to conquer the domains of the deceased Hebryzelmis, thus uniting the Odrysian realm under his rule. In 375 he faced an invasion of the Triballi, who devastated the western parts of the realm while marching towards Abdera at the coast.

Disintegration and conquest by Macedon (360–340 BC)

The death of Cotys, almost contemporary to the coronation of the talented Philip II of Macedon, marked the beginning of the kingdom's downfall. The Odrysian state was divided among three competing kings: Cersebleptes, the son of Cotys, ruled the eastern parts beyond the lower Hebros and Tonzos; Amadocus II, perhaps a son of Amadocus I, ruled central Thrace between Maroneia and the Meritsa; Berisades controlled the western part from Maroneia in the east to the Styrmon in the west.

Cersebleptes was the most ambitious of the three. He continued his father's war against Athens for the Chersonese, while also striving to reunite the Odrysian kingdom. His attempts proved futile, for Amadocus II and Berisades, who received support from Athens, resisted his attacks. In 357 he was forced to accept a peace treaty that sealed the division of the Odrysian state. An inscription from Athens describes said treaty. First, Cersebleptes had to cease his hostilities in the Cheresonese. Second, all three kings and Athens agreed to share their tributes received from the Greek colonies along the Aegean and the Hellespont. Third, the kings promised to enter an alliance with Athens and both sides had to provide each other with military support if tributary Greek colonies revolted. Cersebleptes, however, soon quit that treaty and continued his war in the Chersonese.

As early as 359, the year of his coronation, Philip II of Macedon I contacted a "Thracian king" to persuade him to not harbour a Macedonian pretender to the throne. This king is probably to be identified with the western Odrysian king Berisades. A year later he unified Macedon and subjugated the Paeonians to the northeast. In these early years he did not bother much with Thrace yet, as he regarded the infighting Odrysian kingdoms as no threat for his rule. A first push into the kingdom of Berisades and his successor Cetriporis occurred in 357/6, when he conquered Amphipolis and Crenides. The latter was made into a garrison town called Philippi that was to serve as a launch pad for future invasions into the interior. Cetriporis allied himself with the kings of Paeonia and Illyria, but Philip II defeated them one by one. Cetriporis was allowed to keep his kingdom, at least for a few more years.

Cersebleptes continued his attempts to unite the Odrysian kingdoms: in 353/4 he and Philip discussed the invasion of the kingdom of Amadocus II and the Athenian domains in Thrace, while around a year later he marched against the kingdom of Cetriporis. Meanwhile, Athens feared a possible alliance between Philip and Cersebleptes and decided to make an example by conquering the town of Sestos and eradicating its population. Intimidated, Cersebleptes renounced his claims on much of the Chersonese and allied with Athens. This was unacceptable for Philip, who allied with Amadocus II and marched against Cersebleptes. After besieging him in his residence in Heraion Teichos in 351, he forced the Thracian king to surrender and took his son as a hostage. Around this time, Philip also abolished Cetriporis' kingdom and deposed Amadocus II in favour of Teres II.

The rebellion of Seuthes and the kingdom of Seuthopolis (c. 330 – second quarter of the 3rd century BC)

The conquest of the Odrysian kingdoms doubled the size of the domains ruled by Philip II, even though inland Thrace was not transformed into a Macedonian province, but was put under the loose control of a Strategos. Local Thracian rulers who seemed trustworthy were allowed to rule on Macedonian behalf, granted that they would pay a tithe and provide troops. Such troops, generally called "Thracians" or "Odrysians", participated in the Macedonian conquest of Persia under Philip's successor Alexander the Great and were probably commanded by Odrysian noblemen. Philip founded several towns in Thrace to ease Macedonian rule, most prominently Cabyle and Philippopolis. The situation south of the Haemus remained largely stable for the next few years, albeit even here, Macedon never managed to impose its rule over all Thracian tribes. Macedon's rule was precarious and a potential Odrysian upstarter could count on the support of much of the disgruntled population.

With Alexander's absence in Asia, the Strategoi of Thrace engaged in rebellions and failed expeditions against the Getae, greatly unsettling the country in the process. At the end of the 330s or in the mid-320s (the dating is not entirely clear), a certain Seuthes, later known as Seuthes III, instigated a Thracian rebellion. He seems to have been an Odrysian and may have been associated with the royal house of Cersebleptes, although his social background must remain speculation.

After Alexander's death in 323, one of his bodyguards named Lysimachus was appointed as the satrap of Thrace. Soon after his arrival he faced off with Seuthes, who had rallied much of Thrace around his banner. Seuthes' goal seems to have been the revival of an independent Odrysian state. A battle ensued between him and Lysimachus, which Lysimachus barely and by no means decisively won. Both sides prepared for a second conflict, but the primary source for this event, Diodorus Siculus, provides no details on its outcome.

In any case, both parties eventually reached a settlement, restricting Seuthes to the interior and Lysimachus to the coastal regions of the Aegean and Black Sea. There is no evidence for Lysimachus vassalizing Seuthes. Thrace north of the Rhodopes probably remained outside of Lysimachus' reach, as he may have regarded its pacification not worth the money and manpower. In 313 Seuthes allied with revolting Greek towns on the western shore of the Black Sea, but Lysimachus defeated this alliance. It is possible that to guarantee the peace between the two opponents, Seuthes married a daughter of Lysimachus named Berenice. Afterwards, there is no evidence for another confrontation between the two.

The Odrysians after 250 BC

Most modern historians believe that the Odrysian kingdom continued to exist throughout the Hellenistic and the early Imperial period, when it became a Roman vassal state. However, the evidence for this assumption is in fact very slim. Throughout the remainder of the 3rd century, Thrace remained fragmented into various political entities. In the interior ruled various badly known Thracian dynasts. In the east was the kingdom of Tylis, a Celtic-dominated predator state which existence was based on blackmailing tribute and that was eventually destroyed by a Thracian revolt or attack soon after 220. In the southeast and based at the town of Lysimachia, the Seleucids established themselves under Antiochus II (r. 261–246), who relied on allied Thracian dynasts to expand his influence deep into the interior. After his death in 246 the Seleucid presence was replaced by that of the Ptolemies, who established a satrapy in coastal Thrace. An Odrysian kingdom, however, is not described in the sources.

In the last years of the 3rd century, Macedonia under king Philip V began a renewed expansion to the east, exploiting the weakness of the Ptolemies after the death of Ptolemy IV. While Philip's initial focus was on coastal Thrace, he also led a campaign into the interior. Temporarily losing his Thracian holdings after the end of the Second Macedonian War in 197, he reconquered most of them a decade later, while again campaigning in the Thracian interior. In 184 or 183 he pushed into the plains of the upper Hebros, defeated the Odrysians and other local tribes and conquered Philipopolis, although the Odrysians reconquered the town soon afterwards. It may be noteworthy that no Odrysian king is mentioned. While in 181, Philip was still climbing the Haemus in northern Thrace, his Thracian empire collapsed with his death two years later.

Between 171 and 168, Philip's heir Perseus engaged the Roman Republic in the Third Macedonian War. Perseus' most trusted ally in this war was the Thracian king Cotys, whom the historian Polybius calls an Odrysian. He fought in the battles of Callinicus and Pydna, but eventually became a Roman ally after the war. Perhaps he is identical with the Cotys mentioned by the historian Strabo. However, his Odrysian background has been doubted, as the account of Polybius, the only remaining source (minus Livy, who relied on Polybius), called him an Odrysian only once, while also calling the Getic king Dromichaetes an Odrysian. It may thus be likely that Polybius used "Odrysian" as a synonym for "Thracian". Furthermore, after the war Cotys was described as being active in the hinterland of Abdera at the Aegean coast, implying that he was rather a Sapaean king, who are known to have resided in the Rhodopes. His identity must remain uncertain. It is a fact, however, that Cotys was the last king in the sources to be explicitly labelled an "Odrysian". There is also no evidence that Odrysians had any affiliations with the royal houses of the Sapaeans and Asti of the 1st century BC.

Kingship and the nature of Odrysian rule

Although covering almost a third of the entire Balkan peninsula at its peak, the Odrysian kingdom is unlikely to have had state-like institutions before the reign of Seuthes III. In general, the Odrysian kingship was heavily influenced by the Persian court, while also bearing many similarities to the one practiced in Macedon. Unlike in the contemporary Greek city-states, the Odrysian kings needed to legitimize their rule by military prowess, religion and gifts. The royal gift exchange, a practice originally adopted from the Persian court, was especially important for legitimation. Thucydides noted that the total tribute of 400 talents of gold and silver generated under king Seuthes I was distributed among Seuthes as well as the "chief men and nobles of the Odrysae". Several inscribed silver vessels mention king Cotys I and Cersebleptes and were most likely gifts or tribute. While the king received valuable gifts like gold, silver, textiles or horses, he was also expected to distribute gifts like artefacts, women or land to earn the loyalty and achieve the expansion of his military retinue. Such systems are inevitably unstable, royal authority would always remain rather fluid.

Due to the fragmentary nature of the remaining sources, the royal court and the administration of the kingdom must remain largely obscure. It can be assumed that, as in early Macedon, the Odrysian kings formed the heart of the realm and controlled the policy and the minting of coins, appointed loyal deputies and commanded the troops on the battlefield. The realm was essentially the king's estate. Below the king was an elite of horse warriors and administrators deriving not only from the royal court, but also from rival tribes. Thucydides called said local rulers paradynasteuontes, meaning "those who share power". A similar elite class loyal only to the king, the hetairoi, could also be found in Macedon. The Odrysian kingdom appears to have been rather decentralized, consisting of many different regional elites vying for power. Their rule over their subjects, who lived in scattered hamlets, was very loose and exercised mainly through raiding and demanding tribute.

There is no evidence that the early Odrysian kings had a fixed capital. Instead, they probably maintained a mobile court, moving throughout the kingdom and residing in fortified residences. These small fortified places, which the Greeks called thyrseis, were the backbones of the Thracian aristocracy in a society that did not build towns or cities. This changed somewhat in the late 4th century, when Seuthes III founded Seuthopolis, marking the establishment of early state-like institutions which were probably inspired by those of Hellenistic Macedon. Seuthopolis' size always remained quite small, housing not more than 1.000 inhabitants. It is very likely that it was the home of the kingdom's aristocracy, while the common population continued to live outside the city walls, still practicing the agro-pastoral subsistence economy of old.

Army

When Sitalces' army invaded Macedon he supposedly fielded an army numbering 150.000 men, which is likely an inflated number. Around 100 years later, when Seuthes III confronted Lysimachus, the numbers had shrunk to 28.000 men. A considerable part of these armies were horsemen. Of Sitalces' army, every third warrior was a horseman, who were provided by the Odrysians and the Getae, while the army of Seuthes III had 8.000 riders, probably all Odrysians. The majority of Sitalces' infantry was described as being of rather low quality and was certainly composed of ill-organized levies. It therefore appears that warfare remained a heroic pursuit worthy only of the aristocracy, while military training for the commoners was considered unfitting. Despite this, the Thracian infantry made a great impression on the Greeks, who hired them as mercenaries. Meanwhile, the Odrysian kings made use of Greek mercenary commanders like Xenophon or Iphicrates, while Greek towns inside Thrace were defended by the colonists themselves.

Initially, the Odrysian army was divided into light infantry and light cavalry. The infantry used bows, slings, spears, swords, axes and light crescent-shaped shields called pelte, giving these warriors their name: "peltasts". Round and oval shields were, however, also utilized. A weapon primarily found in the western and central Rhodoes was the Rhomphaia. Except of slings, the cavalry used the same weapons as the infantry. In the later 5th century the Thracian cavalry began to adopt armour. The employed helmets were of the Chalcidian, Phrygian / Thracian and Corinthian types, of which the Chalcidian type seems to have been the most popular. The earliest torso armour was a type of primitive muscle cuirass of cylindrical form that had long fallen out of use elsewhere. Leather and linen armour was also worn. In the 4th century scale armour became popular, while greaves were also adopted at that time. Finally, there is also evidence that the Thracians employed siege artillery, in particular catapults.

Culture

Odrysian crafts and metalworking were largely a product of Persian influence. Thracians as Dacians and Illyrians all decorated themselves with status-enhancing tattoos. Thracian warfare was affected also by Celts and the Triballi had adopted Celtic equipment. Thracian clothing is regarded for its quality and texture and was made up of hemp, flax or wool. Their clothing resembled that of the Scythians including jackets with coloured edges, pointed shoes and the Getai tribe were so similar to the Scythians that they were often confused with them. The nobility and some soldiers wore caps. There was a mutual influence between the Greeks and the Thracians. Greek customs and fashions contributed to the recasting of east Balkan society. Among the nobility Greek fashions in dress, ornament and military equipment were popular. Unlike the Greeks, the Thracians often wore trousers. Thracian kings were influenced by Hellenization. Greek as a lingua franca had been spoken at least by some members of the royal household in the fifth century BC and became the language of administrators; the Greek alphabet was adopted as the new Thracian script.

Archaeology

Residences and temples of the Odrysian kingdom have been found, particularly around Starosel in the Sredna Gora mountains. Archaeologists have uncovered the northeastern wall of the Thracian kings' residence, 13 m in length and preserved up to 2 m in height. They also found the names of Cleobulus and Anaxandros, Philip II of Macedon's generals who led the assault on the Odrysian kingdom.

List of Odrysian kings

The list below includes the known Odrysian kings of Thrace, but much of it is conjectural, based on incomplete sources, and the varying interpretation of ongoing numismatic and archaeological discoveries. Various other Thracian kings (some of them possibly non-Odrysian) are included as well. Odrysian kings, though called Kings of Thrace, never exercised sovereignty over all of Thrace. Control varied according to tribal relationships. Odrysian kings (names are presented in Greek or Latin forms):

Teres I, son of ? Odryses, (480/450–430 BC)

Sparatocus, son of Teres I (c. 465?-by 431 BC)

Sitalces, son of Teres I (by 431–424 BC)

Seuthes I, son of Sparatocus (424–396 BC)

Maesades, father of Seuthes II, local ruler in eastern Thrace

Teres II, local ruler in eastern Thrace

Metocus (= ? Amadocus I), son of ? Sitalces

Amadocus I, son of ? Metocus (unless identical to him) or of Sitalces (410–390 BC)

Seuthes II, son of Maesades, descendant of Teres I, king in southern districts (405–391 BC)

Hebryzelmis, son or brother of ? Seuthes I (390–384 BC)

Cotys I, son of ? Seuthes I or Seuthes II (384–359 BC)

Cersobleptes, son of Cotys I, king in eastern Thrace (359-341 BC)

Berisades, rival of Cersobleptes, king in western Thrace in Strimos (359–352 BC)

Odrysian Kings: a possible family tree

Seuthes II maybe father of Cotys I

Teres II/ΙΙΙ maybe father of Seuthes III

Cersoblepres maybe father of Seuthes III

Roigos, son of Seuthes III, maybe king Roigos, son of Seuthes IV

Raizdos maybe identical to Roigos